By Honoré de Balzac
"Si los angeles presse n'existait pas, écrit 13alzac, il faudrait ne pas l'inventer". Journaliste, pourtant, il le fut. Et de manière compulsive. De ses débuts jusqu'à sa mort, il écrivit quantité d'articles, collabora à de nombreux "petits journaux" - ces feuilles littéraires et satiriques très répandues sous los angeles Restauration -, fonda ses propres revues, dont los angeles Revue parisienne, qu'il rédigea presque intégralement, de juin à août 1840... l. a. présente anthologie, inédite, rend justice à cette construction foisonnante. Dans ces pages, Balzac est travel à journey critique littéraire et chroniqueur : il recense les dernières parutions, exerce son droit de réponse, pourfend les tics de langage. Il croque le bourgeois avec le expertise d'un caricaturiste chevronné et s'engage avec ardour dans l'affaire Peytel, dont il aurait voulu faire son affaire Calas. Et si le fait divers l'attire tant, c'est qu'il le transforme en roman. motor vehicle par-dessus tout, Balzac journaliste reste romancier. Dès 1830, il publie des oeuvres narratives en plusieurs livraisons, inventant, avant l'heure, le roman-feuilleton. Il profite de l'écriture périodique pour esquisser des personnages, des psychologies, des décors, qui sont ceux de los angeles Comédie humaine. Témoin l'article élogieux qu'il consacre à los angeles Chartreuse de Parme, et qui n'est rien de moins que Stendhal récrit par Balzac...
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Additional info for Balzac journaliste : Articles et chroniques
To address this issue the primary evidence for the following chapters is derived from an archive of television news stories on the British domestic economy and the euro, drawn from an unbroken corpus of BBC and ITV broadcasts, extending over a number of years, while often comparing and contrasting this with what is already known about press coverage. This avoids the problem of spot sampling, which can – potentially – miss out important coverage (Barnett et al. 2000). The data are supplemented and balanced by news material on particularly significant events, including the Trafalgar Square anti-globalisation riots of 2000 or the introduction of the euro in 2002.
2000; Franks, 2004 and 2005). Now, developments in far off countries may not be central ‘public interest’ concerns and, in addition, coverage of them may not be of particular interest to the audience. But in terms of public service provision, it is the general pattern that is alarming, and a defence of ITN coverage mounted on the grounds of ‘lack of audience interest’ alone, is not terribly convincing, especially where there were particularly significant European developments at the time. There is no disguising the fact that if the trend in coverage continues its decline at the current rate, it will not be long before serious news stories about the European economy and the euro will be a thing of the past on ITN.
The analysis presented in Chapters 3, 4 and 6 will explore whether this critique has evidential support with respect to coverage of a range of themes, including the domestic economy, anti-globalisation protest and the euro. e. does the press and television coverage we will be analysing actually affect the way the public think about economics and politics? Who, in fact, is influenced by the coverage, in what ways and through what mechanisms? What is the actual rather than the supposed, the imagined or even the idealised (Habermas, 1990) contribution to debate and social dialogue.